Stevo Fights For Ballot Access
by intern ~ September 30th, 2008You can view this post on the writer’s personal blog at Let Them Eat Cake.
Thursay I attended oral arguments at the 7th circuit Court of Appeals in the Allen Stevo ballot access case, Stevo v Keith. Mr. Stevo tried to run as an independent conservative for the 10th Congressional District but failed to obtain the 10,000 petitioners, 5% of the district population, necessary for independent candidates, getting 7,200. His attorney argued that, since the state of Illinois only requires 5,000 petitioners during redistricting years, the state must place Stevo’s name on the ballot, as he would have met the standard in other years, a standard that must be sufficiently restrictive. He explained how other states keep their percentage requirement and simply aggregate old precinct data for the new districts, making their percentage requirement the only criterion in law and thus valid. The State of Illinois, however, treats the census year as different and fails to simply compile new district data in favor of imposing the 5,000 petitioner requirement, adopting an unwarranted distinction for a change in standards. Thus if Illinois has decreed 5,000 petitioners sufficient in essentially unchanged circumstances, they must accept Mr. Stevo’s 7,200 as sufficient to get on the ballot. The defense’s attorney flailed about when the judges questioned him on the inconsistency of this policy before he finally settled on the rather weak argument that the change in districts itself changes voter turnout and so Illinois cannot use old precinct data. The judges did not seem moved by this rather stretched application of the ceteris paribus fallacy. Attempting to demolish Stevo’s case that the State of Illinois has established a necessarily sufficient minimum standard of petitioners, he noted that in some districts the 5,000 figure is actually larger than the normally mandated 5%.
What should we make of this case?
In a democratic society, ballot access measures should lean toward inclusion
If the preceding discussion of petitioner requirement levels seemed uninspired and pedantic to you, you probably realize that our democratic process should not set up too many arbitrary hurdles for inclusion in the political process. We obviously need some to winnow out fringe figures with no support lest the ballot be too long, but if a candidate can prove to have a considerable following such fine lines should not stop them. Rather than drawing the line for ballot inclusion based on a candidate’s potential for winning the election, we should recognize the important role political independents play in making the major two responsive to the demands of voters and draw the line for inclusion on the less demanding basis of a candidate’s ability to shape the content of the campaign and course of the election.
High ballot access hurdles help stigmatize third parties and independents
Voters who vote outside the two party system face charges that they have helped “Naderize” an election if their candidate loses. High ballot access standards reduce the number of options for independent voters, thus increasing the probability that either the left or the right will field a candidate outside the two party system without the other side mustering enough support to do so. If ballot access standards were lower, both sides of the political spectrum would have options outside of the party, making going outside the system on principle less politically disadvantageous since people on the other side are doing the same.
The Illinois General Assembly needs to repeal the redistricting year ballot access standard
The Stevo lawyer made it plainly clear that most states that compile old precinct data to figure out statistics for new districts do so without any special effort. While the arcane law may help Stevo here, legal consistency would clarify this matter permanently. Perhaps the best argument against it was offered not by the Stevo team but by the defense when they mentioned that in some districts actually represents an increase in the required number of petitioners. Given the democratic premise of inclusive ballot access, a law that suddenly raises the petitioner requirement above 5% is clearly pernicious to both democratic participation and legal consistency.
I ran across this 
